Walter Leedy
Cleveland State University

Amasa Stone Memorial Chapel

(1) Henry Vaughan's Amasa Stone Memorial Chapel in Cleveland  was
a  gift  to  Adelbert  College  by  Clara Hay and Flora Mather in
memory of their father, Amasa  Stone  (1818-1883).(Fig. 1)
(Fig. 2)(Fig. 5)  Dedicated  in
1911,   this   small but cultivated commission  is  worth
investigating because it  was  a  stepping  stone  to  the  great
American  collegiate chapels of the 1920s, for example, those built at
Princeton and the University of Chicago.  As such, it  can  offer
insight  into the dynamic forces at play in a Midwestern American
city at a crucial point in the development of urban  America,  as
well  as  insight into the forces that shaped the goals of higher
education. It is not the objective of this paper  to  analyze  or
articulate   the  precise  sources  for  Vaughan's  architectural
details. However, while it  now  common  knowledge  that  Vaughan
looked to the Gothic, West Country, parish-church architecture in
England for inspiration, it has not been sufficiently  emphasized
that  his  sources were buildings used and paid for, for the most part,
by ordinary Englishmen. In other words,  they  were  edifices
built   by   the   community.   This   notion  is  key  to
understanding Vaughan's architecture.

(2) Amasa Stone was a prominent Northern Ohio contractor, railroad manager and financier who made possible by a gift of over $500,000 the move of Western Reserve College from Hudson, Ohio, to Cleveland. Concomitantly, its name was changed to Adelbert College of Western Reserve University, as a memorial to his son, Adelbert. This new college, which was completed in 1882, was built adjacent to the proposed Case School of Applied Science; a school of medicine -- part of Western Reserve University -- was proposed to be moved to the same neighborhood, and a college of theology was under consideration. The concept was to create a critical mass of educational institutions to attract both students and resources. Two of the three initially planned educational institutions arose and ultimately merged in 1967 to form Case Western Reserve University.

(3) Even though Cleveland had a population of 160,000 in 1880, it did not have a university. It seemed to informed and wealthy patrons -- who were numerous enough to give substance and character to the entire community -- that Cleveland had the potential to become an educational and literary center, in spite of the fact that its men were a class of workers, not writers.Ref.1 The basic idea was to do more for higher education in the region, thereby contributing to Cleveland's "...advancement from a rural to a metropolitan and even a cosmopolitan position," as President Fairchild of Oberlin College stated in 1882.Ref.2

(4) In the decades after 1890 additional cultural and educational institutions, including The Cleveland Museum of Art, The Cleveland Institute of Art, The Cleveland Institute of Music, The Cleveland Museum of Natural History, The Cleveland Garden Center, The Western Reserve Historical Society, and The Cleveland Orchestra established themselve close by the University. Thus, a world-class cultural and education center was created, today known as University Circle. Located near the eastern bounty of the city in a park-like setting, it is linked by Euclid Avenue -- in the late nineteenth century called "Millionaires' Row" -- to the downtown business district. Cleveland, therefore, established two foci, one for business and government (Daniel Burnham's famous Group Plan of 1903) and another for culture and education.Ref.3 This "dual hub" concept influences planning decisions to this day. It is within this context that the need and aspiration for a visually meaningful chapel for the college arose. This paper is based on the assumption that the Chapel is not primarily art, but rather a social object.

(5) According to her husband, Samuel Mather (1851-1931), who was a pioneer in the iron-ore and steel industries, Flora first spoke about establishing a memorial to her father between 1901 and 1903.Ref.4 On the occasion of the college's 75th anniversary in 1901, however, Flora explicitly wrote to President Charles Thwing that she did not see "...any future in making any special mention of my father beyond the historical mention that must be [made]."Ref.5 At that time she urged Thwing to acknowledge, but not extol, her father.

(6) The original building for Adelbert College was based on a design by New York architect Calvert Vaux which was largely modified on the interior by Cleveland architect Joseph Ireland.Ref.6(Fig. 3) In 1901-02 its interior was rebuilt as a memorial to Amasa Stone by his friend, Alfred Pope. This may have persuaded Flora to believe -- along with Thwing's counsel -- that a greater memorial to her father might be possible without triggering public ridicule; for in 1876 Stone was publicly scorned and held responsible by a coroner's jury for the death of nearly 200 people in the infamous Ashtabula train disaster.Ref.7 This event might have precipitated Stone's suicide in 1883. These circumstances, while still vivid in Flora's mind, had largely left the public's consciousness by 1902. It was not until 1906, however, that the idea for a chapel as a fitting memorial crystallized. Flora took the lead and talked her sister, Clara Hay -- whose late husband was the American statesman, John Hay (d. 1905) -- into joining in the donation.Ref.8

(7) The style for the 1901 remodeling of Adelbert College was neoclassical -- not collegiate Gothic -- and the architect was Clevelander Charles Schweinfurth (1856-1919). President Charles Thwing saw a function for these fine embellishments: "Daily association under architectural conditions of the noblest sort cannot fail to make for the enrichment of manhood."Ref.9 The idea that architecture could influence behavior was ceaselessly propagated by Thwing. Later, in 1906, he stated: "The noble Florence Harkness Memorial Chapel [built for the College for Women, Western Reserve University] lends itself to the service of worship as the room in Adelbert College cannot...The service of worship becomes more impressive through the noble architecture..."Ref.10(Fig. 4) He did not report, however, that a new chapel was one of the University's urgent needs. He just implied it. Probably for good reason: since all academic programs were underfunded, he did not want to encourage the wrath of the faculty. In 1907 -- only after he knew of the gift, but before any public announcement had been made -- did he articulate the need for a new chapel: "The present hall is unfittingly crowded, and its bare simplicity fails to promote that noblest element of human character -- the sense of worship. The element which the...Harkness...Chapel has added...emphasizes the peculiar advantages which would be received through a similar chapel in Adelbert College."Ref.11 The architect for the Harkness Chapel was Schweinfurth.

(8) The reasons why Thwing wanted a new chapel go to the heart of his concept of a college education. "The purpose," he stated, "of college teaching is to teach the student to think, [that is] to think effectively... The intellectual life of the American college has not improved in the last generation, students know more, they think less. This generation is materialistic. Spirituality is and must be the fundamental element in every great generation."Ref.12 In June, 1907, Flora stated why a chapel would be the appropriate memorial: "...our father had a strong conviction of the value of Biblical instruction and of church services. He believed ... religion to be the only foundation of the individual or for the community life..."Ref.13

(9) This notion was reiterated by a Western Reserve College alumnus, the Reverend Rollin Sawyer, when the Chapel was dedicated in 1911: "the candle of manhood is brought close to the holy light ... here we learn the essential majesty of man...[the] origin of the soul... [he articulated] problems of the day as: (1) maintenance of public worship, (2) salvation of public conscience, (3) redemption of the world to come. [There is] no such thing as education without religion... ethics today seem to be... strictly utilitarian...[our] overpowering age obscures the outlook on the world beyond... God is the Creator, the school is the Conserver."Ref.14

(10) These ideals can be seen in a national context. As universities became larger and more complex organizations at the beginning of the 20th century, a reaction against them appeared. Many educators -- like Thwing -- promoted a return to the former ideals of the American college -- a community of teachers and students with shared intellectual and social values, and emphasizing the development of character or culture more than the learning of trades. Their motives ranged from a desire for improved intellectual standards all the way to a nostalgia for gentlemanly elitism.Ref.15

(11) It is difficult to say to what degree the faculty concurred with Thwing's vision.Ref.16 At that time chapel was compulsory only for students, not faculty. In fact, the student yearbook cynically commented, with reference to the Chapel's dedication: "We beheld a day when not a seat was vacant in the faculty chapel row!"Ref.17 And Clara apparently did not see the same value in chapel that her sister did, for she rejected the request to include in her gift the hymnals and later wrote that great preachers and lecturers in the Chapel are worthwhile, "if you have the money to spend on such luxuries..."Ref.18

(12) When the gift was accepted by the trustees in 1907, because it met "...a most urgent need of College life...," they voted that the location be referred to the Committee on Buildings and GroundsRef.19 together with the donors and Dr. Hiram Haydn, who was Flora's spiritual counsel.Ref.20 No mention was made of how the architect would be chosen or what style it would be built in. These decisions were left largely to the donors.

(13) The Mather's traditional architect -- and, in fact, one of Cleveland's most distinguished architects -- was Schweinfurth. He designed their new house on Euclid Avenue and later, after Flora's death, the Mather family donated a Schweinfurth-designed building for College for Women, Western Reserve University, in her memory. Earlier, one trustee wrote Thwing: "It seems that we may make a serious mistake if we feel that we must always patronize one architect...contractors feel compelled to bid higher on Schweinfurth's work than that of other architects of high standing...Schweinfurth is an architect who seems to have prejudiced contractors against him."Ref.21

(14) The commission went to a transplanted Englishman, Henry Vaughan (1845-1917) of Boston.Ref.22 It was the specific style of Vaughan's buildings with their multivocal meanings that attracted the decision-makers rather than an effort to control costs.

(15) Before Vaughan was hired, Flora went to Groton, Massachusetts, in 1907 to see his chapel at St. John's School.Ref.23 Groton was the most "aristocratic" of the American institutions modeled on the greatest English public schools. Renown for godliness and cleanliness, it drew support from America's financial and social elite.Ref.24 The choice of style for its chapel, begun in 1899, was controversial. Some wanted it to be built of brick, to harmonize with existing buildings, and to follow a New England meeting house plan. However, the Rector, Reverend Peabody, wanted it to be an inspirational symbol for the school and "one of the most beautiful ecclesiastical structures."Ref.25 Detached from the other buildings, plain and boxlike with an elaborate tower attached to one corner, it was modelled on fifteenth century English architecture. Built of limestone, it imparts an overall cool effect. The interior is also restrained, following the impression the rector wanted his boys' school to signify. Groton and Vaughan's chapel for St. Paul's School Chapel in Concord, New Hampshire were called in 1906 "two of the most beautiful Gothic churches in America."Ref.26 Vaughan's work became the prototype for much of American ecclesiastical architecture from the 1890s to 1930 -- a mania which literally covered America with finely crafted structures based on English models.

(16) A similar debate about appropriate style occurred in Cleveland in the late 1890s with the building of Trinity Episcopal Cathedral. Charles Schweinfurth first proposed a Romanesque Revival design, but some members of the Building Committee, including Samuel Mather and his brother, William Gwinn Mather, successfully argued for a Gothic Revival design based on English prototypes. The committee, however, never explicitly stated why they preferred the Gothic Revival design.Ref.27 Perhaps the Romanesque Revival design appeared to them to be too foreign, too German or too Catholic.Ref.28

(17) Cleveland radically changed during this period with the influx of foreign born. To rebut their growing influence, a social activist group, The New England Society of Cleveland and the Western Reserve, was revived. The Mather brothers were life members; the organization's objective was "to cherish the traditions and customs of the pioneer settlers of New England."Ref.29

(18) Vaughan was known to Clara Hay -- for the Hays had built an adjoining house in Washington with Henry Adams, author of Mont-Saint-Michel and Chartres. Adams was a friend of the architect Ralph Adams Cram. It was Cram who gave Vaughan credit for initiating an archaeologically correct, rather than picturesque, Gothic Revival in America. Because Vaughan wrote virtually nothing, Cram became the spokesman for the Boston school of Gothicists: "An enduring style is founded," he argued, "on the rock of precedent; an ephemeral fashion rears itself on the shifting sands of social vanity...denying the past makes impossible a futureRef.30...The collegiate architecture of England...is the only style that absolutely expresses our new-old crescent ideals of an education that makes for culture and makes for character."Ref.31 Samuel Mather knew of Cram and this work,Ref.32 and Cram, Goodhue & Ferguson had just been given the commission to design the Euclid Avenue Presbyterian Church, now known as the Church of the Covenant, located in University Circle.Ref.33

(19) Just as important, Vaughan was awarded in 1906 the prestigious commission for the National Episcopal Cathedral in Washington, along with his teacher, George F. Bodley -- the "immortal master" of the new Gothic in England. Earlier, a professional Advisory Committee promoted a classic Renaissance design -- the whole of public Washington, it was decided, would be Renaissance -- but was overruled by the trustees in favor of one based on English Gothic prototypes.Ref.34 Isolated by style, as well as location, the National Cathedral was to be a symbol of anglo-centrism.

(20) "WASP" elitism reinforced their prejudice for English Gothic. The Renaissance style had connotations of Roman Catholicism as well as an association with Italian immigrantsRef.35 -- the new Catholic cathedral in Washington was in an "Italian" style. Cram bluntly articulated why he championed English Gothic: "...we turn to the work of our own race, to our own inalienable heritage."Ref.36

(21) At first, Vaughan and Bodley insisted that the National Cathedral be constructed of a red stone, but the Bishop objected to this, and the cathedral was ultimately built of Indiana limestone,Ref.37 the same material used for the Stone Chapel.

(22) Trinity Cathedral and the National Cathedral were part of a worldwide wave of English Gothic Revival cathedral building and can be interpreted as a visual exhibition of English values as well as an visual extension of the concept of the British Empire. Therefore, these churches visually reinforce and authenticate social values. Connections, of course, with English collegiate architecture communicate an added air of academic respectability and tradition. Earlier in Cleveland, Central High School (1856) was picturesquely patterned on King's College Chapel, Cambridge.

(23) Most important, I believe, Vaughan's style appealed to Flora, because it validated her sensibilities. While still a student in 1871, she wrote "Concerning Churches," a composition in which she describes her ideal church as "a great white building..." Her favorite was Seville Cathedral, because of "...its very simplicity...simple shafts of gray stone, and...its ceiling of dark wood, exquisitely carved." She liked Melrose Abbey, but found the Sistine Chapel to be a "source of disappointment."Ref.38 Current research in art education has shown aesthetic preferences, once established, usually do not change.

(24) During the design process, Flora took the lead by asking the faculty to appoint a committee to "cooperate" with her in the enterprise. Appointed on December 9, 1907, it consisted of three professors, Curtis, Whitman and Emerson. No further mention in the faculty minutes is made until May 4, 1908, when Curtis brought up the question of seats for faculty in the Chapel at Thwing's suggestion.Ref.39 The "Brethren," Thwing wrote to Flora, "thought it would be wiser for no special seats to be set aside... the democratic principle is pretty strong."Ref.40

(25) Flora Mather was diagnosed with breast cancer in August, 1908, and died in January, 1909: the Chapel was her last great undertaking. At her death, the design for the stonework of the Chapel was basically complete; apparently, a stained glass program was left to the future: people would donate windows in memory of different individuals.Ref.41 The estimated cost was $150,000.Ref.42 This sum is paltry today, but the estimated cost for a new Chemistry Building in 1907 was $116,500.Ref.43 In addition, the donors agreed to establish a $30,000 endowment for the maintenance of the Chapel.Ref.44

(26) Because scant documentation remains (Vaughan's records were destroyed at his death) and just a few original drawings are preserved for the Chapel,Ref.45 it is impossible to fully reconstruct the decision-making process.(Fig. 6) Thwing stated in June 1908 that the best site was on Euclid Avenue west of the University's Hatch Library.Ref.46 This site gave the Chapel reciprocity of view with the building then being planned for The Cleveland Museum of Art. Emblems of religion, education and culture were to be visually integrated. It was not until March 1909, however, that the Committee on Buildings and Grounds miraculously concurred.Ref.47(Fig. 7) The front was placed on axis with the centerline of the west wing of the Hatch Library. The Chapel was visually squeezed in between the library, which Thwing actually wanted to move twenty or thirty feet to the east to visually isolate the Chapel,Ref.48 and ten feet from the adjoining property line with the Case School of Applied Science. Since the college had an 1893 agreement with Case not to build within 20 feet of their mutual boundary, the Trustees "were embarrassed" when ground was broken on April 15, 1909,Ref.49 before permission was sought from Case.Ref.50 The Trustees held a special meeting on May 17, 1909, to approve the location.Ref. 51 The cornerstone was consciously laid during commencement, 1909.Ref.52 After some discussion, Cleveland architects, Page and Corbusier, were brought on as associate architects at this time.Ref.53 (Figure 8)

(27) This location gave the Chapel visibility in the city and was to serve as a visual anchor for University Circle and the University. Isolated in a sea of green, its color, gray, symbolizes -- at least for some Clevelanders in 1911 -- solidity of existence.Ref.54 Its tower, with its crescendo of surface articulation and mass isolated against the sky, shined forth to symbolize the aspirations of higher education.Ref.55 It is not surprising that the Chapel, therefore, turns its back to Adelbert College. Besides the fact it was conceived as symbol, another reason for this was its programming. While it was to function as the college chapel and as a place for commencement and convocations, it also was to serve the community by providing public worship services and lectures on Sundays.(Fig. 8) As a result, it has a hierarchy of entrances. The public entrance was on the north side -- Euclid Avenue -- through the tower, the student entrance was through the porch on the northeast, the choir's entrance was on the southeast, while the president had his own entrance on the northwest. As the ground precipitously slopes from south to north down to Euclid Avenue, a basement was built to serve as a platform for the Chapel, and thereby necessitated the bank of steps at the public entrance.(Fig. 9)(Fig. 10)

(28) Each of the entrances is small, and the planar qualities of wall rather than glass are reinforced and maintained, creating a sense of restriction, exclusivity and intimacy.(Fig. 13) This is reinforced by the bent-axis approach to the central vessel (the main worship space) -- straight, left and right -- and change of scale as one enters the Chapel from Euclid Avenue -- high (the space inside the tower), low (the space in the antechapel which is under the gallery), high (main worship space).

(29) The plan of the Chapel is not like a typical collegiate chapel, which was usually one unitary space divided by a screen into chapel proper and antechapel, but is patterned on a parish church.(Fig. 8)(Fig. 11) This can be explained by its intended multi-functional use. While the fixed pews can seat 545 students, there are an additional 70 seats for visitors in the gallery, and narrow side aisles were included so an additional 100 people could be accommodated on moveable chairs. Thus, the interior space was creatively conceived to accommodate various numbers of people without losing a sense of fellowship.

(30) No doubt the extremely narrow and even miniature-like side aisles were a result of the restriction of the site, which the Euclid Avenue location imposed, in conjunction with the desire to maximize the width of the central vessel.(Fig. 12)(Fig. 14)

(31) The large south window was the first memorial window installed. Given by Clara Hay in memory of her sister, Flora Mather, it was designed by John Lisle of C. E. Kempe and Co. of London, England. The iconographic program for the window was conceived in England and had to be explained to the patrons. It is based on Corinthians 1:13: "Now abideth faith, hope and charity, these three, but the greatest of these is charity." The crucifixion represents the most supreme act of charity or love. Below, hope is represented by the resurrection -- illustrated by the appearance of Christ to Mary Magdalene, and faith by the annunciation.Ref.56 That the Kempe firm was employed is not surprising; they had a long association with Vaughan.Ref.57 Light-valued glass allows the architectural details of the interior to be seen, and quarry glass in the other windows softens the contrast with a dark interior.

(32) Asymmetries abound in the design, such as the north, Euclid Avenue facade or variety of design in the entryways, the asymmetrical chancel with organ on one side, a gargoyle located on the west top of the tower which students to this day interpret as spitting at their neighbors and rivals at the Case School, and the employment of Kempe glass, make vividly clear that Vaughan's Gothicism is really at the conservative edge of the Arts and Crafts movement.

(33) Vaughan handled the transformation of a space for Anglican worship to a collegiate chapel by lowering the end window, replacing the altar and reredos with oak stalls, and by placing the pulpit on axis with the central aisle (later moved to the side). Warmth is added by the oak ceiling and furnishings. The interior, however, is essentially serene, only recently enlivened with colored banners which hang from the brackets for the original electric lights.

(34) In conclusion, it is important to recognize that Henry Vaughan's Amasa Stone Memorial Chapel is the product of a synthesis of "wealth, learning and religion,"Ref.58 and reflects beliefs that go beyond the visual sources for the design. It is those convictions, which seem alien to us today, that leave the Amasa Stone Memorial Chapel lodged firmly in the past. In 1911, however, it was considered to be one of the most beautiful chapels in America, "a prayer in stone," and thus served as precedent -- both in its form and the values it sought to communicate -- for later, more impressive and grandiose chapels at other universities across America. Locally, its form sought to be a molder of men, and its placement on Euclid Avenue visually asserted Western Reserve University's civic responsibility to the Cleveland community.

I am grateful to the following institutions for their assistance: The Archives of Case Western Reserve University, The Western Reserve Historical Society, The Fine Arts Section of the Cleveland Public Library and the Interlibrary Loan Office of Cleveland State University. An earlier version of this paper was presented at the Western Reserve Studies Symposium organized by Professor Gladys Haddad of Case Western Reserve University in 1994.


Ref. 1: See Edmund Kirke, "The City of Cleveland," Harpers 72 (March 30, 1886): 582-583.

Ref. 2: Western Reserve University, The Dedication of the New Buildings and Inaugural of Adelbert College of Western Reserve University, Cleveland, O., October 26, 1882 (Cleveland: A. W. Fairbanks, 1883), 52ff.

Ref. 3: For Cleveland's Group Plan see Walter C. Leedy, Jr., "Cleveland's Struggle for Self-Identity," in Modern Architecture in America: Visions and Revisions, edited by Richard Guy Wilson and Sidney Robinson (Ames: Iowa State University Press, 1991), 74-105.

Ref. 4: Samuel Mather, "The Amasa Stone Memorial Chapel," Western Reserve University Bulletin N.S. 14 (November, 1911): 95.

Ref. 5: Flora Stone Mather to Thwing, undated, Thwing Office Files, Correspondence, Personal, Flora Stone Mather, 1DB6, Archives, Case Western Reserve University.

Ref. 6: See Walter C. Leedy, Jr., "Building Adelbert College," in Case Western Reserve University, Western Reserve Studies Symposium, Proceedings, The Western Reserve In the Gilded Age, (1993), 17- 25, and William Alex and George B. Tatum, Calvert Vaux, Architect and Planner (New York: Ink, Inc., 1994), 192.

Ref. 7: See Stephen D. Peet, The Ashtabula Disaster (Chicago: J. S. Goodman-Louis Lloyd & Co., 1877).

Ref. 8: Samuel Mather, "The Amasa Stone Memorial Chapel," 95.

Ref. 9: "Reports of the President and Faculties for 1901-02," Western Reserve University Bulletin: 33.

Ref. 10: Charles Thwing, "Western Reserve University, Reports of the President and Faculties, 1905-06," Western Reserve University Bulletin N.S. 9 (Sept., 1906): 52.

Ref. 11: Charles Thwing, "Western Reserve University, Reports of the President and Faculties, 1906-07," Western Reserve University Bulletin N.S. 5 (Sept., 1907): 33-34.

Ref. 12: "Reports of the President and Faculties for 1909-1910," Western Reserve University Bulletin N.S. 8 (September, 1910): 7-8.

Ref. 13: Thwing Office Files, 1DB6, Box 3, file: Amasa Stone Chapel, Construction, Donations, Alterations, 1905-1919, Archives, Case Western Reserve University.

Ref. 14: Rollin A. Sawyer, "Living Light," Western Reserve University Bulletin N.S. 14 (November, 1911): 102-105. The Chapel was dedicated on June 13, 1911 during commencement week. See Western Reserve University, Adelbert College, Service of Dedication of the Amasa Stone memorial Chapel, Tuesday, June 13, 1911, 3 P.M. Copy in the Archives, Case Western Reserve University.

Ref. 15: Paul Venable Turner, Campus, An American Planning Tradition (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1984), 215.

Ref. 16: A religious survey was conducted in 1924. With regard to efficacy of chapel exercises faculty responses include: "practically nil" -- "students look upon it as disagreeable" -- "From what I can see Chapel is a failure" -- "a disagreeable compulsory exercise breaking into the morning's work." See Survey of Religious Life and Work in Western Reserve University, Cleveland, Ohio (1925), Religious Survey, 1925, 1DB7, Archives, Case Western Reserve University. As a result of this survey, chapel was made voluntary in the late 1920s, and regular services in the Chapel were discontinued by 1929.

Ref. 17: The Reserve, 1912: The Year Book of Western Reserve University (Cleveland, 1911), 135.

Ref. 18: Clara Stone Hay to Thwing, February 17, 1911, and November 24, 1912, Thwing Office Files, Trustees, Correspondence, John Hay and Clara Stone Hay, Archives, 1DB6, Case Western Reserve University.

Ref. 19: Liberty Holden was Chair. The two other members were H.R. Hatch, and A. Pope.

Ref. 20: June 11, 1907, Minutes, Board of Trustees, Adelbert College, 2J, Box 4, Archives, Case Western Reserve University. Also, letter accepting gift, Haring to Mrs. Mather, June 17, 1907, Samuel Mather Family Papers, MS. 3735, cont. 9, fol. 1, Western Reserve Historical Society.

Ref. 21: W.R. Warner to Thwing, April 19, 1904, Chemical Laboratory Construction, 1902-1904, 1DB6, Archives, Case Western Reserve University.

Ref. 22: For background information on Vaughan see William Morgan, The Almighty Wall: The Architecture of Henry Vaughan (New York: Architectural History Foundation, 1983).

Ref. 23: Samuel Mather, "The Amasa Stone Memorial Chapel," 95.

Ref. 24: See, for example, Stephen Birmingham, America's Secret Aristocracy (Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1987), 240-45.

Ref. 25: Quoted in Morgan, The Almighty Wall, 112. See also, William Amory Gardner, "Groton School, Groton," The Church Militant 7 (October, 1904): 128-129.

Ref. 26: "Report of the Committee on the proposed Cathedral Building," May, 1906, 6-7. Cited in Morgan, The Almighty Wall, 174.

Ref. 27: The decision making period was long and protracted. Bishop Leonard actually argued in favor of the Romanesque Revival design. See Roderic Hall Pierce, Trinity Cathedral Parish, The First 150 Years (Cleveland: The Vestry of Trinity Cathedral, 1967). I am also indebted to Dr. Michael Wells of Cleveland State University, who is presently analyzing the Minutes of the Building Committee.

Ref. 28: For an interpretation of Romanesque Revival as immediately recognizable as Catholic and for a citation of Henry Adams' luminous phrase on the difference between the round arch and the pointed one as the "difference between the love of God -- which is faith -- and the logic of God -- which is reason," see Ann O'Hare McComick, St. Agnes Church, Cleveland, Ohio (Cleveland: Martin Printing Co., n.d.), 4, 9.

Ref. 29: See The New England Society of Cleveland and the Western Reserve, 1853-1910, Constitution, Officers, Members and History (Cleveland: Published for the Society, 1910), 11.

Ref. 30: Quoted in "Messrs. Page & Corbusier," Ohio Architect, Engineer and Builder 17 (Sept., 1911): 18-19.

Ref. 31: Ralph Adams Cram, "Recent University Architecture in the United States," Journal of the Royal Institute of British Architects 19 (May 25, 1912): 498-99.

Ref. 32: Samuel Mather to Thwing, March 8, 1909, Thwing Office Files, Correspondence -- Trustees of Western Reserve University, Samuel Mather, 1DB6, Archives, Case Western Reserve University. The Mather's had an extensive collection of books on architecture including those by Cram. See "A Catalogue of the Books in the Library of Samuel Mather," bound typescript, 1911, Western Reserve Historical Society.

Ref. 33: See Alexander McGaffin, The Euclid Avenue Presbyterian Church, Dedication Services April, 2-7, 1911 (Cleveland: Euclid Avenue and Cornell Road, 1911). Ground was broken in June, 1909, the commission dates to late 1907 or 1908. It was dedicated just months before the Amasa Stone Memorial Chapel.

Ref. 34: Morgan, The Almighty Wall, 73.

Ref. 35: Morgan, The Almighty Wall, 174, n.23.

Ref. 36: Ralph Adams Cram, Church Building (3rd edit., Boston: Marshall Jones Co., 1924), 268. The earlier editions of this book were in 1901 and 1914. Cram first published his ideas in The Churchman in 1899 and 1900. This quote appeared in the first edition of the book.

Ref. 37: Vaughan to Satterlee, December 14, 1906. Cited in Morgan, The Almighty Wall, 175.

Ref. 38: Flora Stone, Composition dated January 28, 1871, Flora Stone Mather College, file: Flora Stone Mather, 22 MD, Box I, Archives, Case Western Reserve University.

Ref. 39: Adelbert College Faculty Record, 1895-1929, 174, 176, Archives, Case Western Reserve University.

Ref. 40: Thwing to Mrs. Mather, May 5, 1908, Samuel Mather Family Papers, MS. 3735, cont. 11, fol. 1, Western Reserve Historical Society.

Ref. 41: This was common practice and can be seen, for example, in the Old Stone Church to which Flora Mather belonged. Mr. James Whitney, of Whitney Stained Glass Studio, told me that the quarry glass now present was meant as temporary glazing; it is not of special quality.

Ref. 42: Article 2, Last Will and Testament, Flora S. Mather, dated January 8, 1909, Alexander Hadden, Probate Court, filed January 26, 1909, Doc. 85, No. 48079, Cuyahoga County Archives; copy in Samuel Mather Family Papers, MS. 3735, cont. 11, fol. 7, Western Reserve Historical Society. Based on its insured value -- it was common practice at Western Reserve University to insure for actual cost -- the final cost of the Chapel was approximately $168,000, Archives, Case Western Reserve University.

Ref. 43: October 18, 1907, Western Reserve College, Minutes, Adelbert College Prudential Committee, 1862-1910, 2J, Box 5, Archives, Case Western Reserve University.

Ref. 44: Clara Hay was slow in paying her share, $15,000, so Thwing asked Samuel Mather about it. Mather to Thwing, March 13, 1911, Thwing Office Files, Library General, 1902-1920, 1DB6, Archives, Case Western Reserve University.

Ref. 45: There are parts of two series of drawings. The first series appears to be initial proposals, but are very close to the Chapel as built; the second series are working drawings. Since the Framing Plan for the Ground Floor is dated June 18, 1909, the detailed working drawings appear to have been produced when needed. Ground was broken on April 15, 1909. F.B. Krause, civil engineer, Society for Savings Building, was employed to survey the site. Archives, Case Western Reserve University.

Ref. 46: "Reports of the President and Faculties, 1907-08," Western Reserve University Bulletin N.S. 11 (September, 1908): 11.

Ref. 47: March 3, 1909, Minutes, Committee on Buildings and Grounds, Liberty Holden, Chair, Thwing's Office Files, Amasa Stone Chapel, 1DB6, Box 3, Archives, Case Western Reserve University.

Ref. 48: Samuel Mather was not as enthusiastic: "...am sorry the chapel comes on so slowly, but very pleased to hear it promises to be satisfactory. Next year -- if not earlier -- we must see to the moving of the Library if that still seems advisable after the chapel is finished and in use." Samuel Mather to Thwing, June 9, 1910, Thwing Office Files, Amasa Stone Chapel, 1DB6, Box 3, Archives, Case Western Reserve University. Thwing got bids for the moving of the chapel from several different companies in January through March, 1911. It was his intention to also raise the library to provide additional stack room in the basement, thus taking care of an urgent need for more space; cost estimates came in between $10,500 to $17,529. See Thwing Office Files, Library, General, 1902-1920, 1DB6, Archives, Case Western Reserve University.

Ref. 49: Charles Thwing, "Reports of the Presidents and Faculties, 1908-09," Western Reserve University Bulletin N.S. 12 (September, 1909): 33.

Ref. 50: May 3, 1909, Minutes, Board of Trustees, Case School of Applied Science, 19BE, Box 2, No. 2, 29, Archives, Case Western Reserve University.

Ref. 51: Minutes, Board of Trustees, Adelbert College, 2J, Box 3, Archives, Case Western Reserve University.

Ref. 52: Western Reserve University, Adelbert College, Laying of the Cornerstone of the Amasa Stone Chapel, Adelbert College Campus, June 17, 1909, 9:30 A.M. Copy in Archives, Case Western Reserve University. A description of the building was read by Samuel Livingston Mather. Those present included Samuel Mather, Clarence Leonard Hay for Mrs. Clara Hay, and Henry Vaughan the architect. A letter from William T. Krowarz to Western Reserve University, dated August 24, 1968, describes how the contents of the corner stone copper box were discovered the next day lying around on the ground and how the contractors stuffed them back in and replaced the box. Amasa Stone Chapel, 1K, Archives, Case Western Reserve University.

Ref. 53: Samuel Mather to Thwing, March 8, 1909, April 12, [1909], and June 25, 1909, Thwing Office Correspondence, Trustees of Western Reserve University, Samuel Mather, 1DB6, Archives, Case Western Reserve University.

Ref. 54: "The city which is white has the greatest refinement and charm...city which is white scintillates and reflects light of the sun is the only fit background for the brilliant crowd...cities which are grey suggest rather endurance, grandeur and romance...Grey cities are fitting to these humid and northern climes...red suggests ease of existence, simplicity, and primitive life never solidity of existence." n.a., "Color Schemes of Cities," Ohio Architect, Engineer and Builder 17 (March, 1911): 67.

Ref. 55: See Elbert Peets, "Our New Chapel. An Architectural Appreciation," in The Reserve, 1912, 208-212. It was apparently Peets who first referred to the chapel as "a prayer in stone."

Ref. 56: Mather, "The Amasa Stone Memorial Chapel," 100, citing a letter describing the window from Walter E. Tower for C. E. Kempe & Co., Ltd. The letter was sent from Tower to Vaughan, March 17, 1911 and explains a rough pen and ink drawing for the window which was sent earlier. See Thwing's Office Files, Amasa Stone Chapel, 1DB6, Box 3, Archives, Case Western Reserve University.

Ref. 57: Margaret Stavridi, "Charles Eamer Kempe, Church Decorator for England, America and the World," Stained Glass 74 (Winter, 1979-80): 315-320.

Ref. 58: According to The Plain Dealer, June 14, 1911: "Wealth, learning and religion were represented by distinguished men at the dedication..." of the chapel.

Copyright 1994 Walter Leedy

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